A case-study of the Azorean episcopacy as a subaltern elite of the Portuguese colonial rule in Asia, 1942-1953*

Teotonio R. de Souza


I shall delve more extensively on the Archbishop-Patriarch of Goa,  D. José da Costa Nunes, because he symbolises better than any other Azorean bishop in Asia the role of the subaltern elite that I am proposing for this study. There is another reason for choosing the Indian theatre of their action, rather than Macau or any other.  As stated by his successor,  D. José Alvernaz, “It was in India that the Padroado came under its severest attacks, and the campaign against the Portuguese missionary activities drew most the world attention”.[1]

By choosing to analyze the functioning of  D. José da Costa Nunes, I see him as a representative of an Azorean subaltern elite. There was another such elite of Goan origin since mid 19th century, namely the Goan doctors. We could think of yet a third colonial elite at the service of the Portuguese colonial interests, namely the Cape Verdians, in administrative service in Portuguese Africa. There were Azorean bishops in Asia in the 17th and early 18th centuries, but they belonged largely to religious orders and do not fit into the category described here. From late 19th century we begin to see bishops originating from secular and rural background, trained at the Angra seminary and with higher studies at Gregorian University in Rome. That is when we start seeing the rise of a kind of self-promoting clan. The growing challenges to the Church under liberal and republican regimes at home and the growing trend of anti-colonialism in Asia, made the role of the Azorean episcopacy particularly important for the empire. Even though Goa had been the major source of supply of clergymen for the Padroado,[2] the Azoreans were the preferred candidates for handling the episcopal responsibilities.[3]  Why were there so many Azorean bishops in Portuguese Asia since late 19th century?  It could have a very simple or rather simplistic explanation in the  tendency of the Azoreans to migrate from their island-homes which threatens them with a regular frequency of volcanic eruptions and their tragic consequences in the form of earthquakes, famines, etc. But the main reason lies elsewhere: the Azoreans are predominantly white-skinned descendants of European colonizers and have no language or culture of their own, substantially different from that of the Portuguese. The capacity of the Azorean bishops to promote other fellow-Azoreans may not have succeeded as it did, if the State did not have also its own axe to grind. The Azoreans were looked upon as the right type of human resource, culturally identical and politically reliable, to control the “souls” of the imperial subjects in Asia. 

It should not be very difficult to understand my choice of the gramscian concept of subalternity. Reduced to subalternity among the colonial powers, particularly after their loss of control over great part of Asia, and with a status further weakened by the loss of Brazil, the Portuguese had to opt for subaltern chain of commands to make the best of its weakened imperial centre.  Hard pressed after independence of Brazil to find an alternate source of exploration in Africa, the Portuguese had to overcome the tropical diseases that made of Africa a graveyard for the white Europeans. That is when Goa’s long tradition in handling tropical diseases at the Royal Hospital came handy. It was decided to create the Escola Médica in Goa, but the native medics trained there were deemed fit to serve in Portuguese colonies of Africa and Asia, but they could not exercise their medical profession in Portugal without additional training and tests. Cristiana Bastos has been studying this aspect of subalternity of the Goan doctors.[4] I propose that her analysis be extended to include other subaltern elites of the empire.  The Azorean bishops too were doing praiseworthy job in the service of the empire, but hardly any of them got any posting in continental Portugal, not even  D. José da Costa Nunes, who so staunchly defended colonial interests in India in the post-independence phase of resistance to Portuguese colonial presence. When the archbishop resigned in 1953, the Portuguese government found for him an innocuous place as vice-camerlengo at Vatican. No one  thought of finding for him an important diocese or other placement in Portugal.

The homeland of the Azorean bishops

The Archipelago of Azores, made up of 9 islands,  was  strategically located  in the Atlantic Ocean at the cross-roads of the maritime trade routes of the East and West Indies. The Portuguese discovered and began colonizing it since mid 15th century. Azores became a strategic hub for the Portuguese colonial network and functioning worldwide, particularly on return voyages, right from the time of early explorations of the West African coast.[5] The lack of sufficient resources in the islands, and to some extent the regularity of earthquakes seem to have contributed for the large-scale  emigration of its population.[6] The classic case is that of Gaspar Frutuoso, a native of the island of St. Michael.  Following the eruption and destruction of Vila Franca in 1522, and a 10-year long epidemic that followed, the social and economic life of the region underwent a radical change. Frutuoso moved out to Salamanca and studied for priesthood. The Franciscan apostolate in the archipelago and their spirituality had left a deep impact upon the populations threatened by the natural calamities. This case could be seen as representative of the Azorean exportation of Bishops and ecclesiastics in particular.[7] However, the great Azorean diaspora was westward towards Brazil when it replaced the East as the focus of the Portugal commercial activity. It grew to large proportions during  1748-1756, and shifted later to Bermudas, Hawaii, USA, and more recently to Canada.

The historiography of Azores has certainly made great progress in recent times, but there must be no dearth of new challenges. While much has  been written about Angra and the rest of the archipelago as transit point of trade routes since the early times of the Portuguese Discoveries, there is very little research done about the impact of the demographic changes and their impact upon the “globalization” promoted by the Portuguese expansion overseas.  It is a recent discovery that Azorean diaspora carried with it the so-called  “Machado-Joseph disease”, also designated by some as “Azorean disease”.[8]  But what interests us here is what from the Asian perspective could be seen as another sort of Azorean disease that troubled the Asians till the end of colonialism and the end of the Portuguese crown patronage.  

To understand this better we need to recall the conflicts of the Padroado and the Asian natives right from the start of the Portuguese colonial presence. The Portuguese missionary drive was never without resistance. The so-called “Martyrs of Cuncolim”, is just one major illustration.[9] The conflicts of the Padroado with St. Thomas Christians in Malabar during the 17th century in particular are well known.[10]  Also talented Goan native clerics were systematically bypassed and their claims to occupy posts of responsibility in parishes were resisted by the white Religious Orders. Even the respectable Jesuits, like Francis Xavier and Valignano, are known to have expressed feelings of colour prejudice towards the populations of the Indian subcontinent.[11] It happened largely because the natives were unwilling to give up their cultures or to easily given in to the western cultural pressures of the white missionaries. In the first half of the 17th century Propaganda Fide consecrated the first native Goan bishop,  Matheus de Castro, but his functioning was resented and blocked by the Portuguese Padroado authorities. There is also the  famous  instance of Goan clerics leading a political revolt in 1787, known as the Conspiracy of the Pintos. It ended in a ruthless suppression by the Portuguese authorities, who accused the rebels of “high treason” and deported to Portugal over a dozen  clerics, who were detained there for several years under arrest without any official trial.[12]  In the late 19th century, Fr. António Francisco Xavier Alvares, a Goan-born priest  opted out of the Portuguese Church hierarchy to be consecrated bishop according to the Syrian Antiochian rite as Mar Julius I.[13] His journalism was regarded by the State and Church authorities of Goa as excessively critical of their actions and intentions. As for the Goan priest, he regarded the Portuguese Church as a mere  tool of colonial regime and legitimizer of its abuses.[14]  These instances should suffice to help understanding why the Portuguese State and Church would prefer Azorean bishops in their Asian empire.

Following a brief presentation of the thirteen Azorean bishops who were sent to the East from five islands of the archipelago, namely  Terceira, São Miguel, Faial, São Jorge and Pico,  I shall concentrate on those who belonged to the category of “subaltern elite”, during the past century and half, particularly the five Azoreans from Pico island.[15]

The very first Azorean bishop appointed in 1636 to serve in  Asia, or more precisely in  São Tomé of Mylapore, was  a Franciscan,  Afonso de Benevides, from Ponta Delgada in  São Miguel. He died during  the voyage, but there would go two more from São Miguel later,  as we shall see soon.

Friar Cristovam da Silveira, born at the Angra do Heroísmo, is the only Bishop from Terceira to be appointed to the East, as Archbishop of Goa, in 1670. He too died on his way in April 1673.[16]

From Faial island went two bishops:  António Taveira da Neiva Brum da Silveira and  Frei Alexandre da Sagrada Família.  The former from the city of Horta, where he was born on 22 July 1706. He studied with the Franciscans at Horta and continued his studies at the Royal Military College at Coimbra, where he became rector after his doctoral studies. He was appointed Archbishop of Goa in 1750 and exercised the duties of interim governor of Goa on two occasions.[17] It was during his period of functioning that territorial jurisdiction of Goa was extended to cover the New Conquests. He accompanied the introduction of the Church institutions in the new area and issued new constitutions for the archdiocese. He sought his resignation, but was not replaced till 14 years later. He died during his return journey in 1775.[18] The second bishop from Faial was  Fr. Alexandre da Sagrada Família, born on  22 May 1737, in the city of Horta. His baptismal name was Alexandre Ferreira da Silva.[19]  He entered the Convent of Our Lady of Angels in Setúbal in 1761. It was here that he adopted a new religious name and developed contacts with the Brancanes Missionaries, whom he accompanied till Rome. There he met the Portuguese ambassador who recommended him to the Queen Maria I. He was invited to preach at the royal court, and this earned for him the appointment as Bishop of Malacca in 1782.[20]  Before he could reach there, he was transferred to Angola and Congo. 

From São Jorge islands went out two bishops to Asia:  Manuel Bernardo de Sousa Ennes, a Franciscan, who after the suppression of the religious order under liberal regime, joined the Faculty of Theology at the Coimbra University as professor. He was appointed bishop of Macau in 1873, but is one rare case of transference to Bragança in  1883 and two years later to.Portalegre.[21] The second bishop from S. Jorge island was  José Pedro da Silva, who was appointed Auxiliary Bishop of Goa, with right of succession to the archbishop-patriarch  D. José Alvernaz. The occupation of Goa by the Indian armed forces in 1961 did not permit him to reach Goa.[22]

Two Azorean bishops in Asia were from the island of São Miguel:   Manuel Medeiros Guerreiro, served as bishop of Mylapore from April 1937 till March 1951. Following the independence of India and the end of Padroado jurisdiction in Mylapore he was transferred to the diocese of Nampula in Mozambique.  The other bishop from São Miguel was  D. Paulo José Tavares, who frequented the Angra seminary  from 1931 till  1941, and later studied at Gregorian in Rome, presenting a thesis on the Portuguese Concordat of 1940 and the juridical status of the Church”.[23] He pursued diplomatic studies in Rome during 1945-1947, and was posted in the office of Vatican’s Secretary of State till 1961. He ended the career in the Vatican as advisor to the nunciature when he was appointed bishop of Macau in August 1961. He took charge of the diocese in November of the same year. He attended all sessions of Vatican II, from 1962 till 1965.  He had a very active episcopate and was a great defender of indigenization of the hierarchy of Macau. He met with stiff resistance of the Portuguese and  D. José da Costa Nunes is known to have tried to get him out of Asia and returned to the diplomatic career somewhere in Central América. He died in 1973 and was succeeded by  D. Arquiminio Rodrigues da Costa.

Portuguese Padroado and its  evolution     

For the benefit of the less informed readers, here follows a very brief sketch of the Padroado or the Portuguese Crown Patronage in the East to help us situate the theme under discussion. The Padroado had its beginning in the age of Discoveries  in the  XV century. In exchange of the recognition of the exclusive Portuguese right to discover, dominate and evangelize the countries and peoples of the East, the Papacy imposed upon the Portuguese crown the obligation of taking care of all the expenses connected with that process of evangelization, including the costs of building and maintaining human and material resources.[24] The bull Romani Pontifex of Nicholas V in Jan. 1455 gave the Portuguese authorities of the Order of Christ the right to establish and maintain churches and monasteries and of presenting candidates to run them in the newly discovered territories and in territories yet to be discovered. In March of the same year Pope Calixtus III issued the bull Inter coetera confirming the earlier privileges and obligations, conceding to Prince Henry, as Master of the Order of Christ, the spiritual jurisdiction which would be exercised through the Prior of Tomar. The bull Praeclara charissimi of Julius III allowed the incorporation of the three existing military Orders (Christ, Avis and Santiago) into the Portuguese Crown, and the jurisidiction of the Prior of Tomar was also transferred to the crown. That is how the “Padroado” grew into “Crown Patronage”.[25]

From 1514 the expansion of the Portuguese Padroado to the East was done from the island base of Funchal, in Madeira island.  The creation of the dioceses of  Goa and of Angra was announced on the same date, 3 November 1534,  by the bull Aequum reputamus of  Pope Paul III. However, the same bull declared that Goa diocese was erected by the previous pontiff Clement VII on 31 January 1533, and that ought to be regarded as the real date of its foundation. It is interesting to note that Angra diocese was created nearly a century after a papal bull of 1421 had supported the Portuguese discoveries and the royal Project of colonizing the Azores archipelago.  Goa was made a diocese two decades after its conquest and three years after it was made the administrative capital of the Portuguese Estado da Índia. Goa diocese was raised to archdiocese in 1558, following the creation of two suffragan dioceses in  Malacca  and in Cochin.  New suffragan dioceses followed: Macau (1575), Japão (1588), Mylapre (1606), and  Mozambique (1612). Macau diocese was further broken up into two new dioceses in 1690, namely  Peking and Nanking, both suffragan to Goa. 

The Padroado system fared sufficiently well while the Portuguese could enforce their maritime presence without much effective resistance.  During the union of the Iberian crowns (1580-1640)  the Dutch and the English also looked for a share in the Eastern trade. The European rivalry emboldened the native rulers to resist. The Portuguese military weakness and lack of human resources to fulfil the obligations of the Padroado led the Holy See to establish the Congregation of Propaganda Fide in 1622 in order to promote directly some missionary activities through its own “Apostolic Vicars” in territories where the Portuguese were unable to operate successfully.

King John IV of Portugal sought to improve relations with Vatican following the restoration of the Portuguese independence from the Spanish rule. However the Spanish influence in the Vatican was strong enough to block the recognition of the candidates indicated by the Portuguese monarch to the vacant sees. It was not till 1669, that Pope Clement IX confirmed the appointments of the bishops indicated by John IV, but in the meantime some candidates had died. One famous case was of D. Afonso Mendes, patriarch of Ethiopia. The Portuguese monarch wanted to reward his efforts despite the failure of the mission of Ethiopia. He was appointed to be Archbishop of Goa and would be the first Jesuit to occupy that post. But he died before the papal confirmation.

The expulsion of the Jesuits from Portugal in 1759 and the expulsion of all Religious Orders by liberal government in 1834 had weakened the Padroado dramatically. There ensued another long diplomatic tension between Portugal and the Holy See, leaving vacant several dioceses during long periods. Despite the Portuguese official resentment Pope Gregory XVI issued the brief Multa Praeclara on 24 April 1838, delinking from the Portuguese Padroado jurisidiction several dioceses, such as Mylapore, Cranganore, Cochin and Malacca. Only in 1851 there was a thaw in the diplomatic relations between Portugal and the Holy See,[26] and the Concordat of 1857 restored theoretically the jurisdiction of the Padroado, but with many practical restrictions. A new and more realistic drawing of the boundaries was worked out by the Concordat of June 1886, the year of the creation of independent Indian church hierarchy. The Archbishop of Goa was granted the honorary title of Patriarch on this occasion as a political sop. Fresh problems arose with the proclamation of the Republic in Portugal in 1910: a law separating State and Church on 20 April 1911 sought to reduce the financial obligations of the State, but without abandoning the privileges of the Padroado. This situation changed under the Estado Novo, which by the Accord of 15 April 1928 revised the concordat of 1886, limiting the Padroado jurisdiction to territories under direct Portuguese political control and to Cochin and Mylapore, and maintaining a double jurisdiction over Bombay, Mangalore, Quilon and Trichinopoly. The conflicts that resulted from the double jurisdiction were solved by a new concordat of 7 May 1940. Following the Independence of India, yet another accord was signed on 18 July 1950, whereby Portugal renounced its Padroado rights in all territories of independent India. Following the integration of Goa, Daman and Diu into India in 1961 by force of arms, Portugal did not renounce its rights over these territories until after  democracy was restored in Portugal in April 1974.[27]

Enter the Azorean Subaltern Episcopal Elite

From the island of Pico went out at least five Azorean prelates to the East. In chronological order, we have  D. João Paulino de Azevedo e Castro, born in 1852 in the town of Lages in Pico.[28] He studied Theology at Coimbra [29] (1879), was ordained in Angra, lectured at the Seminary there and became its Rector in 1888.[30] He was confirmed by Leo XIII on 9  June 1902 as bishop of Macau, was consecrated on  27th  December  and left for Macau in March 1903. Following 1910 his governance of Macau was marked by political tensions caused by the republicanism in Portugal, affecting severely the functioning of the religious orders and congregations in Macau. He died in Macau in  1918, and his body was transferred in 1923 to his native land of Lages do Pico.

The other native of Pico was  Jaime Garcia Goulart. Born in the parish of Candelária in 1908, left for Macau aged just 13. Studied at St. Joseph Seminary at Macau and completed his studies of Theology at Angra seminary. He was ordained priest in 1931. He returned to Macau and served there till 1933. Went to Timor as Comissary till 1937. When the diocese of Dili was created in 1940, D. Jaime was appointed its Administrator till 1945, and later took over as the bishop of the Dili-Timor diocese. He returned to Azores on health grounds in 1967.

José da Costa Nunes, also a Picoan, was born in the parish of Candelária on 15 March 1880.[31] He studied at the Seminary of Angra[32] and in 1903 accompanied the bishop  D. João Paulino de Azevedo e Castro to Macau, as his personal secretary, while still a seminarian.[33] He was ordained priest in Macau and celebrated his first Mass on 31 July 1903, feast day of Ignatius of Loyola, the founder of the Jesuits, who left an indelible mark upon the missionary history of Macau. Before being confirmed as bishop of Macau, he was elected Vicar Capitular, just 26 years of age and without having belonged to the Chapter[34]. Two years after the death of  D. João Paulino he was elected bishop of Macau. His election was confirmed by the Holy See, despite his reluctance and refusal.[35]

José Vieira Alvernaz, was born in the parish of Piedade, in Pico island, on 5 February 1889. He had joined Angra seminary, but had to continue studies in the Lyceum when the proclamation of the Republic led to closure of the seminary. Ordained priest in 920, he studied Canon Law at Gregorian, and obtained a doctorate in Social Sciences at Bergamo. He returned to Azores as parish priest, and from 1933 taught at the seminary and became its rector during four years, before being appointed bishop of Cochin in 1941. Following the independence of India and exclusion of that diocese from the Padroado, he was transferred to Goa as Auxiliary bishop, until he replaced the Archbishop-Patriarch in 1953. The merger of Goa into India made his continued functioning in Goa impossible. He left Goa to participate in the Vatican II, and from Rome returned to Azores, where he died in 1986.[36]

The fifth and the last Azorean bishop from Pico island was  D. Arquimínio Rodrigues da Costa, born in the parish of São Mateus, on  29 July 1924. He was admitted to Macau Seminary at the age of 14 anos. Was ordained priest in October 1949, and in 1955 was interim rector of the seminary. Two years later left for Rome and studied Law at Gregorian till 1960. He returned to Macau and replaced the bishop  D. Paulo Tavares following his death in 1973.  Resigned in 1988, aged 80, and returned to Azores after handing the diocese to  D. Domingos Lam, the first Chinese bishop. I had an opportunity of personal contact with  Arquiminio da Costa during a seminar organized by the Seminary of the Holy Spirit in 1989 in Hong Kong. The theme of seminar was   “Macau Catholics in Transition”. After the Macau diocese closed its seminary, it was to this seminary in Hong Kong that it sent its seminarians for training. Bishop  Arquimínio Costa was invited to comment on my paper which sought to analyse the experience of Goan Catholics following the change of the Portuguese regime to the Indian regime.   He started by saying: “I find it very difficult to be totally neutral, objective and independent in dealing with matters in which my people and my country are involved. In such circumstances, it is practically impossible not to be emotionally affected”. The bishop was very polite in his response, but it was obvious that he was not pleased with the intensity of my criticism and expected to hear more positive evaluation of the Padroado contribution to India. [37]

D. José da Costa Nunes: The best representative of  his tribe

José da Costa Nunes had proved his capacity to handle with courage several situations of political tension. While at Macau, he was invited once to speak at the Military Academy, where republican and anti-clerical feelings were running high. The President was not very confident of the consequences, but Costa Nunes delivered  his speech and was able to win the spirits. He even told  one high-ranking military: “I shall welcome the Revolution, but with all the marines on my side”. On another occasion some angry military personnel invaded his palace, but he withstood the threat and the invaders retreated. When his bishop returned to the diocese, he admired the courage and tact displayed by  his substitute. He gave him an opportunity in 1911 to visit Timor, Malacca and Singapore as Mission visitor. It was meant to let him have some rest after the strenuous times.  He returned to Macau in 1912, and took once again charge of the diocese, while the bishop was visiting Singapore and Malacca. He spent 1912 resting at home in Azores. Back in Macau in 1914, he started a diocesan review “Oriente” in 1915. Following the death of the bishop Paulino in 1918, he was elected by the diocesan Chapter to be Vicar Capitular. It was the first step, which lasted three years, before  taking charge of the diocese of Macau as its bishop on 20 November 1921. He started by putting finances on a firm footing and finding ways of improving the human resources of the diocese. He revived the seminary and handed it to the Jesuits in 1930, but the lack of personnel forced them to keep only the responsibility of spiritual guidance. He called upon the Franciscan Missionaries of Mary to take charge of a school for girls, named after Santa Rosa de Lima. He gave fresh support to the Salesians, who had been invited by his predecessor, to provide professional training to young Chinese and Portuguese in Macau. He also supported  the Canossian sisters in their schools and in their apostolate for infants and the invalid. He gave immense impetus to missionary expansion. The Jesuits had their base at Shiu-Hing, where once Ricci had worked. Costa Nunes was particularly devoted to Timor, which belonged to Macau diocese and was divided into two vicariates. He joined the two into one vicariate for better coordination, founded a school for catechists, got the old Salesian boys from Macau to teach in professional schools, and tried to prepare the ground to provide Timor with its own bishop. He built the cathedral which the Japanese had razed to the ground, and succeeded in convincing the Holy See and the Portuguese government to let Timor have its diocese. It became a reality on 18 January 1941. His dedication to the missions of Malacca and Singapore was also noteworthy. He took the Canossian sisters and the Irish Christian Brothers to set up schools for Christian boys and girls. The diocese of Macau was the owner of a hotel in the centre of Singapore, but when the British administration took it over to convert it into a Court of Justice, the diocese invested the compensation money into buying two huge commercial buildings, which the Vicar General named as Medeiros Building and Nunes Building, despite the objection raised by BishopCosta Nunes to his name being used that way.

D. José da Costa Nunes was 60 years and 9 months old when he was appointed to Goa on 11 December 1940. He took charge of the Archdiocese on 18 Jan. 1942, on the eve of reaching 62 years of age. He was honoured by the Salazar regime with Grã Cruz da Ordem do Império in 1953. It was the highest class (among five) of that national award created in 1932 by the Salazar regime. He resigned in December that year from the Archdiocese of Goa and Damão and was nominated Titular Archbishop of Odessa. He was later given the job of Vice Camarlengo of the Vatican. In  1962 John  XXIII made him Cardinal. He died in Rome on 26 November  1976 aged 94.[38]

Archbishop Costa Nunes was known to exercise himself physically every day with long walks, had given up smoking since 1925, and was frugal in his eating and very regular with his night sleep. His intellectual capacities and talent for writing won him admiration in Goa, where Tomás Ribeiro and Cunha Rivara were still remembered for those qualities. His pastoral visits to distant corners of the country made his influence felt in the subcontinent. Dr. George Moraes, a Goa-born University professor in Bombay, but also known as arch-conservative Catholic, who would refuse after Vatican II to attend a Mass that was not celebrated in traditional Latin, paid homage to the Patriarch during the first anniversary of his death, praising his contribution in the form of (1) pastoral visits, (2) Conferences of St. Vincent of Paul (3) House for the old clergy (4) Diocesan synod (5) intellectual standard of the seminarians (6) holiness of the clergy (7) parish schools and teaching of music (8) conclusion of the minor seminary that was started by D. Teotonio Vieira de Castro (suspended for lack of money) (9) A professional school of the Salesians (10) Fresh life to the SFX missionaries of local origin (11) Refugee home for women (12) Home for Students in Panjim (13) Selection of the best priests to serve in other dioceses. He concludes by saying: “Truly,  Cardinal Costa Nunes was one of the greatest men Portugal sent to the East. He was at the head of the Archdiocese a little over a decade. Cardinal Costa Nunes is dead, but he will not die in the memory of a people that he helped to grow into one of the most influential communities in modern India.”[39]

The Indian government had been pressing Portugal since 1950 to end its colonial rule in India. The Portuguese authorities were unwilling  to consider the matter, refusing also the pressure of the UN to submit the list of its colonies. The Portuguese had changed the Constitution to designate colonies as “overseas provinces” as a diplomatic subterfuge. The Indian demands also included the end of the Portuguese Padroado rights in India as incompatible with India’s sovereignty.

The performance of D. José da Costa Nunes has to be analysed against this background of Portugal-India relations. His intense interest in reviving the missionary activity in India needs to be viewed also against the political-nationalist background of the Nyogi Report (1954-56) which recommended a ban on the foreign missionary activities as detrimental to the political loyalty of the Christians and to the religious and cultural sentiments of non-Christian populations of India.[40] The Nyogi Committee utilised as one of its  source books  K.M. Panikkar’s Asia and Western Dominance (London, George Allen & Unwin, 1959). The author had been the architect of independent India’s foreign policy and had portrayed the European missionaries in Asia as colonial stooges seeking to dominate by infiltrating into Asian cultures.[41] 


The religious-political convictions of D. José da Costa Nunes had various challenges to face in the new political context of independent India. In 1948, the Holy See appointed a Goan, Valerian Gracias as archbishop of Bombay. The Portuguese saw it as a violation of  Padroado accord of 1928, which provided for alternation of white Portuguese and British citizens as bishops of Bombay. India had raised objection to this clause as violation of India’s sovereignty in 1947. Salazar understood well the political sensitivity of India and showed willingness to compromise and modify the accord, and it happened in 1950. Mgr. Gracias had no great sympathies for Portugal. Gilberto Freyre has recorded his impression of this  in his Aventura e Rotina. It is reported that after his consecration, Valerian Gracias was greeted in Rome by some Portuguese, including a priest. Gracias seems to have replied curtly in English, conveying that he was an Indian and had nothing to do with the Portuguese![42] A couple of years later Archbishop Gracias was a candidate for the cardinalate, and the nuncio in Portugal conveyed to the Vatican its negative reaction, suggesting that it would only accept the cardinalate for D. José da Costa Nunes who had felt slighted by the Vatican’s plans and moved out of Goa. The Salazar regime threatened to withdraw its ambassador from the Holy See if its grievance was not respected. The Vatican then proceeded to award a Golden Rose to the Archdiocese of Goa in recognition of its historic role, and decided to name D. José da Costa Nunes vice-camerlengo of the Vatican.[43]

José da Costa Nunes utilised very well three major religious celebrations to counter the   public opinion that was not too favourable to his defence of “Faith and Empire”. Curiously, he seemed convinced that the Faith needed forever the “Portuguese” empire for its survival and progress. The three occasions were: (1) the canonization of St. John Britto in June 1947 (He was a Portuguese Jesuit who followed the indigenization method of De Nobili in Madurai in the 17th century and was killed), (2) the plenary council of the Church of India in 1950, where D. José da Costa Nunes presided over its inauguration as per the right granted to him by the Concordat of 1940 (3) the fourth centenary of the death of St. Francis Xavier (whose relics attract thousands of pilgrims to Goa) in December 1952. This coincided with the  commemoration of the arrival of St. Thomas in India. The exposition of the relics of St. Francis Xavier in Goa was attended by representatives of the Portuguese government in Lisbon, as well as by the Cardinal patriarch of Lisbon, who came as the Papal Legate. We cannot  analyse here the speeches and writings of  D. José da Costa Nunes on these various occasions, but he did not miss a single opportunity to hammer into his listeners his convictions as a representative of the Portuguese Padroado in the prevailing political context. Just a quote from the Archdiocesan Bulletin of July 1951 (Nº1) commemorating 25 years of Salazar coming to power: ”by his culture and clear vision of problems, he laid the foundations of the so-called New State…an eminent statesman who sees and foresees, builds and solidifies….gained a unique reputation as a person of character and right intentions…without Dr. Oliveira Salazar it is certain that the aims of the revolt of 28 May would end in failure.”[44]

 D. José da Costa Nunes was given a reception-cum-farewell party at the Governor’s palace in the capital city of Goa in September 1953. It was meant to commemorate the golden jubilee of his priestly ordination and his imminent departure as  Patriarch of Goa. In his speech on the occasion, he referred to his religious patriotism, which did not exclude, but intensified civic patriotism. He affirmed that many had misinterpreted this and saw in it political motivations under the cover of religion. He saw it only as a way of glorifying the evangelizing deeds of the Portuguese Crown Patronage. He added: “I have witnessed difficult moments, provoked by exalted nationalisms. Even when I tried to keep myself out and above such nationalisms, my thoughts were often disfigured. I do not have to change any of my words or attitudes, because I followed always the wise guiding rules of the Church. I did not engage myself in any political propaganda under cover of the Gospels, but neither did I hesitate to say what my duty demanded. In Goa, I recommended obedience to legitimate authorities, condemned anti-nationalist propaganda and upheld the respect for the flag which gave the Goan his special qualities. Outside Goa I advised the faithful to love their country, to collaborate with their authorities for the progress of India, which I regard as having a special role in this part of the world, a role which it will fulfil satisfactorily only at the feet of Christ. Will this happen long time from now? After another century? After many centuries? Let us not seek the penetrate the secrets of  Providence, but we can rest assured that in time, the Church will bring all peoples under the victorious banner of the Cross… When I say good-bye to Goa after 11 years,  I say good bye to my missionary life in the East. It was sufficient time to create strong bonds to people of Goa. I leave them with deep agitation within me and I shall always carry fond memories with me, even though it has not been all flowers all along.”  He reminded himself and those present of the sight across river Mandovi, when he was standing once in the verandah of the parish residence of Penha da França. It was a delightful and exciting sight which made him recall with nostalgia the past centuries since the arrival of the Portuguese. He felt proud of the past, but also sad. The empire had been mutilated over time and he was wondering if it would subject to fresh blows. He recalled what João Mascarenhas had told Kwaja Zafar during the second siege of Diu, when the Portuguese were asked to surrender, because their fort was already without walls. The reply he sent to Khwaja Zafar was: “The Portuguese do not require walls to defend themselves”. The Patriarch was now making those his own words: “The land where the Portuguese are will forever be Portuguese” (Terra onde estão portugueses, portuguesa será sempre”).[45]

But the same Patriarch was writing a piece of history of the Portuguese Crown Patronage in the East some decades earlier: “Portugal is rightly viewed as a country of missionaries. Before the Discoveries and Conquests, the Gospel was limited almost exclusively to Europe. But ever since we forced open the East and planted fortresses along the coasts of Africa and Asia, Christianity penetrated everywhere, calling peoples to share the Christian civilization, and this call was extended both to colonized peoples and to those who remained free” (os povos dominados e mesmo os que livres continuaram).[46]  After all the Patriarch had said to the contrary, the Portuguese did require fortresses to protect themselves, and there were “dominated” people, and people who were “free”. Obviously, in the changed anti-colonial ambience, the discourse of D. José da Costa Nunes had to be different. We can check if his other writings did not betray nationalism which he claims was never a part of his religious discourses and actions.

On his arrival and taking charge of Goa Archdiocese, the Patriarch changed the name of the Archdiocesan Bulletin from Voz de S. Francisco Xavier to Boletim Eclesiástico da Arquidiocese de Goa, and started publishing therein with regularity his “Letters to Priests of the Archdiocese”. Sixty of these letters published between 1942 and 1946 were gathered into a book that was released in 1947 in Lisbon to mark his Episcopal Jubilee (1946).[47]   In the very first letter he reminds his priests that a dedicated and conscientious subject takes the wish of his superior as an order, and he expresses his interest in making his ideas and wishes known to his clergy from time to time in letters that he intended to publish in the Archdiocesan Bulletin. Hence, some extracts from these letters, accompanied by our critical comments may provide the reader a glimpse into the style of functioning of the Patriarch Costa Nunes. He says it again in the same above quoted letter that he does not want to appear as a boss who imposes anything, but as a friend conversing with friends, or a father with his children. But the objective was clear: To be listened to and obeyed![48]  

From the third letter onwards there are constant recommendations to the clergy to promote Catholic Action in order to prepare the Christian elite to counter the threats of rationalism and communism to the established social order. He cites examples of the success of Catholic Action movement in various European countries. His forty-two letters addressed to the youth contain his more detailed vision for the youth.[49] In his letters to the priests he touches upon several  issues that interest us: He sees no place for caste system in the Catholic community. He points to cases of open protests of the oppressed castes in the subcontinent and expresses fears that protests from below may lead to breakdown of the Indian society. He recommends changes from above. He admits the reality and even the need of different levels of functioning of the “classes” in a society, but does not see place for caste in the modern times and does not want to see any trace of it in the functioning of his priests.[50]  Regarding Indian nationalism and tendencies to curb the freedom of missionary preaching, he sees them as contrary to freedom of conscience that is guaranteed  in a democracy. He questions the veracity of accusations levelled against the use of force by the Portuguese in converting people. He admits that there may have been stray cases, but that it was not a rule. He explains the “violence” as methods of a society moulded by Christian principles to allure pagans to church by favouring the converts in every possible way.  He sees that as measures adopted to safeguard the freedom of cult against the social controls of the Hindus. The Patriarch laments that in more recent times the Portuguese authorities have failed to keep up the policy of the early colonizers. He imagines that if Portugal had 30-40 millions instead of 2-3 million inhabitants in the XVI-XVII centuries, the whole of India could be changed into  a catholic nation without any violence, and it would be like Brazil. It would be a great power in Asia with its own culture and national unity. He compares British India with Portuguese India and concludes that despite some large and developed cities, British India is materially and culturally much more backward than Portuguese India. He goes further to state that whatever progress was made in British India, it was achieved with the assistance of Goan emigrants, whose contribution could be found in the scattered cities and ports of India.  He attributes the capacity of Goan emigrants to their Christian upbringing, even in cases where this upbringing may be consciously rejected by some.[51]  In his 8th letter, he refers to the enthusiasm with which he was greeted by the Goan Catholic population in Bombay when he was returning after a pastoral visit to Daman, Nagar Haveli and Diu. He sensed that they were filled with love for Portugal and for the Padroado. He refers to nearly 50.000 Goans occupying posts in all walks of life and administration. Though belonging to 3rd or 4th generation of emigrants, they were fond of  Goa, fond of St. Francis Xavier and fond of the country that had brought Gospel to their ancestors. He had noticed the same feelings in Catholic emigrants all over Asia where he had been.[52]  He refers to the problem of beggary in Goa. He sees it as ubiquitous and suggests that random assistance would be of little help. He suggests that setting up  Conferences of St. Vincent of Paul could help to remedy the problem with a well organized material assistance.[53]  Elsewhere he focuses upon the urgency of organizing and coordinating at diocesan and metropolitan levels the Catholic Action groups in all the parishes. He refers to stagnation in Goan Catholic life and prevalence of abuses of alcohol, contraception, prostitution among emigrant women and house maids, etc. He suggests better use of funds through Catholic Action movement, creation of parish libraries, instead of wasting the funds in music bands and fireworks during novenas and feasts.[54]  He refers also to the  ignorance among the clergy of the Indian culture and philosophy. Feels that they could care less for western philosophers and literatures, but ought  master the Indian thought in order to pass on the Christian message to Indian minds.[55] He states also that among “all the overseas possessions, Goa translates best the colonizing spirit of the Portuguese, who had  made it a Christian land and a Portuguese land, without destroying its Indian characteristics”. A Goan Christian could remain psychologically proud of his Indian cultural and historical greatness. A Goan was a link between India and Europe.[56] His constant refrain is the lack of missionary spirit among Goan priests, who have little to do in the parishes, while vast regions in India have no priests. He  expresses his interest in helping the Goan Congregation of Pilar Fathers to launch out in mission work.[57]  But the letters contain frequent statements of dubious historical value. While rejecting the accusations that Goan converts were made to change names and dressing habits, states that they were the ones who willingly opted for those changes to distance themselves form the Hindu society that rejected them and to be closer to the Portuguese who helped them. He sees the accusations to the contrary as expressions of exaggerated nationalism. He points out to other countries that adopt western style of dress as they get materially more developed and interact more with other countries. Is convinced that Europe will be the universal model for the educated generations all over the world. He takes up also the accusation of missionaries being foreign nationalists!  He does not see why a missionary should renounce his country, as long as he does not make political propaganda under cover of religion.[58]

Patriach’s silence about Goa’s freedom struggle ?

Tristão Bragança-Cunha, a Goan nationalist and freedom-fighter, was the first Goan deported to Portugal in 1946 for 8 years in jail.[59] It happened during the Church governance of D. José da Costa Nunes in Goa. The Brazilian sociologist Gilberto Freyre, who visited Goa at the behest of Salazar in 1951,  saw “lusotropicalism” which he was commissioned to see and had nothing to say in his published report Aventura e Rotina about Tristão Braganza-Cunha, who was jailed in Lisbon at the time he passed through Lisbon before visiting Goa. The Goan freedom fighter, however, did not forget to comment on the superficial knowledge of Gilberto Freyre about the Goan reality.[60] Tristão Bragança-Cunha also wrote  in his newspaper “Free Goa” on 25-8-1956 about the already mentioned Nyogi Report, which recommended the ban on conversions to Christianity in India. T.B. Cunha fully endorsed the recommendation, because he too considered the European missionaries as mainly responsible for the “denationalization” of the Goans.  T.B. Cunha makes reference to the visit of  José Costa Nunes to Goa in the previous month and quotes a part of what he calls a  “bellicose harangue”:

“For us, Portuguese, this land of Goa is a precious treasure of remembrances and high values that gives so much splendour to the Portuguese nation. Here took place events which brightened our history; here were written pages that time cannot tarnish; here was planted the tree of Cross which spread its branches over the entire East; here lived heroes and saints who aggrandized our country and religion; Western culture which we brought to this half of the world, previously full of legends and mysteries, started from here; hosts of soldiers and missionaries came here to serve their king and God; and now in this glorious land of Goa new events are taking place that history will recall as examples of loyalty and patriotism, spiritual strength and love to common Motherland.

             “Why  wonder if we refuse to quit? A soldier who sheds his blood for his national territory is worth more than a coffer full of gold or fine speeches which move audiences. Numbers do not count, but only the quality of each unit. In the past, with few we did great things….

Goa and other Eastern lands, where lives the race sung by our national poet, are in our days the greatest centres of culture and civilization of Asia. It is on you, members of the Catholic Action, that lies the duty of preserving this centre of faith.”

T.B. Cunha wonders about the partiality and double standards of  the Vatican which was quick to admonish the Cardinal of Bombay for some mild words in favour of Goa’s political liberation, but had nothing to say about the provocative words of the former Patriarch of Goa,  José da Costa Nunes.[61]

The clearest political utterance of  D. José da Costa Nunes on the issue of Goa’s liberation occurs in his letters to the priests in 1946, stating forcefully that he will never abdicate as a Portuguese citizen his right to defend his country against historical calumnies. He  states in the same context: “ As a matter of principle, while Goa is a Portuguese territory, I can and should teach its inhabitants to love Portugal and condemn the cheap ideas (veleidades) of integrating it in Greater India. The Gospel commands obedience to legitimate authorities and Rome does not permit that any missionary indulge in anti-national propaganda within the boundaries of the Portuguese Colonial Empire. I do not do anything wrong, therefore, in recommending submission and respect to the Portuguese authorities… while this is Portuguese, I have the right to defend the National Flag and to condemn any disturbances against the Country”.[62] In two earlier letters the Patriarch called upon the priests to love Portugal and warned them: “You owe all to Portugal; you owe your religion which made Goa the most advanced region of India. If Portugal ceases to be in India, it would be the greatest disaster for the Goan Catholics. Under Portuguese rule, they are something, they have everything in their land; without Portugal their fate will be sad indeed”.[63]


In 1958, the Portuguese dictator,  António de Oliveira Salazar was being defied in his choice of a President for Portugal in elections that since his coming to power in 1926 were meant to confirm his fancies. General Humberto Dalgado was not his choice for the Presidency, but he had become a voice of the suppressed political opposition and had rightly earned for himself the popular nickname of “Fearless General”. However, while dissociating himself publicly from this opposition candidate,  Antonio Ferreira Gomes, the Bishop of Oporto, had sent in July 1958 a “pró-memória” or an aide-memoire to the Portuguese dictator, asking for an interview in which he wished to bring to the notice of the dictator his pastoral concern about the political pressures upon the Church preaching and the political violations of the right of workers to protest against the State sponsored “corporativism”. The bishop wished to know if the Church was free to teach its social doctrine and if the faithful had the right to make their own political options and to participate freely in the forthcoming elections. The bishop was quickly rebuked and arrangements were made through Cardinal  José Costa Nunes, who was serving at the time at the Vatican, to send the bishop for “holidays” to Rome. It would be a 10-year long exile for the vocal bishop. Apparently,  D. José da Costa Nunes, mentioned to a researcher years later that he was “misled by Salazar into believing that it was only for a very short period of time”.[64] The exile of the bishop of Oporto had a far reaching impact and provoked many Catholics that opposed the regime to come out more openly with their protests. The Catholic Action which the Patriarch had worked so hard to introduce and promote in Goa had now become the prime target os Salazar’s protests before the Vatican. He saw the Catholic Action groups being transformed into undeclared political parties in violation of his Constitution.[65] Encyclicals of Pope John XXIII and the teachings of Vatican II came to provide doctrinal support for their demands and to fan more active political dissidence, which, jointly with the discontent of the young recruits being sent to fight the colonial rebellions in Africa, contributed to the downfall of the dictatorial  regime in 1974.

D. José da Costa Nunes lived long enough to see many of his life-long convictions collapse. He may have realized at the end of his long career that it was not easy for the Portuguese Church that was wedded to the State to practise the Gospel advice about giving to Caesar what belonged to Caesar and to God what belonged to God. Curiously and ironically, he had this Gospel citation in his first pastoral letter after he took charge of the diocese of Macau.[66]


* This text is Part II of a conference at the XI International Seminar of Indo-Portuguese History (Golden Jubilee Session) held in Goa , 21-23 Sept. 2003. It is published in the Proceedings by Fatima Gracias, Indo-Portuguese History – Global Trends, Goa (India), 2005, pp. 36-57.

[1] Textos de D. José Vieira Alvernaz, Macau, Imprensa Oficial de Macau, 1999, p. 91.

[2] Casimiro Cristóvão de Nazareth, Clero de Goa: Seus serviços à Religião e à Nação, Nova Goa, Casa Luso-Francesa, 1927.

[3] At the fag end of the Portuguese colonial regime in Goa two Goans were appointed bishops in Africa, but none was deemed fit for taking charge of their church at home or elsewhere in the colonies or in Portugal. There were in the meantime at least 20 bishops of Goan origin in the Indian dioceses, and two were cardinals, in Bombay and Karachi respectively. Soon after the departure of the Portuguese the Goans were fit to take charge the destinies of their Church! One should not miss the comments of Orlando Ribeiro on this issue. He seems to share the “colonial” mind of most Portuguese at the time. Cf. Orlando Ribeiro, Goa em 1956, Lisboa, CNCDP,1999, pp. 64, 125-126.

[4] Cristiana Bastos, “Um Centro Subalterno? A Escola Médica de Goa e o Império”. Comunicação apresentada no Seminário “Tensões coloniais e Reconfigurações pós-coloniais”, Convento da Arrábida, 1-5 de Novembro de 1999.  Uma versão mais expandida foi publicada como “Doctors for the Empire: The Medical School of Goa and its Narratives”, Identities, Vol. 8 (4), pp. 517-548.

[5] Avelino de Freitas de Meneses, “Angra na rota da Índia: funções, cobiças e tempos”, A Carreira da Índia e as Rotas dos Estreitos, org. A. Teodoro de Matos e L. F. Thomaz, Angra do Heroísmo, 1988, pp. 721-740.

[6] http://www.terravista.pt/aguaalto/2365/Calamidades/calamidades.htm   There is information about earthquakes and volcanic eruptions covering past five centuries with almost a decennial frequency. The last major occurrence was on 9th July 1998 around 5:19 morning with a magnitude of 5,6 Richter scale, with its epicenter at NNE of Faial island, causing widespread destruction. Several zones of Pico and a parto f  St. Jorge (Rosais) were also affected. 8 persons died in Faial and  1700 others were rendered homeless.

[7] Miguel Tremoço de Carvalho, Gaspar Frutuoso: O historiador das Ilhas, Funchal, CEHA, 2001.

[8] The first two cases of this disease were detected in 1972 in the region of Fall River. The first case was that of William Machado, belonging to an immigrant family from São  Miguel. The next case was from a  Joseph family in North California. Hence the designation  Machado-Joseph.

The disease is associated with a mutation of the MJD1 gene of chromosome 14. Clinical features include progressive ataxia, dysarthria, postural instability, eyelid retraction and facial fasciculations. Dystonia is prominent in younger patients (referred to as Type I Machado-Joseph Disease). Type II features ataxia and ocular signs; Type III features muscle atrophy and a sensorimotor neuropathy; and Type IV features extrapyramidal signs combined with a sensorimotor neuropathy. It is found to affect 1 out of every 2402 persons  in Azores, with 50% chances of a child inheriting it from an affected parent. Cf. http://www.gain.uac.pt/doenca_p.html

[9] Teotonio R. de Souza,”Why Cuncolim Martyrs? Na historical re-assessment”, Jesuits in Índia: in Historical Perspective, Macau, ICM, 1992, pp. 37-47.

[10] Teotonio R. de Souza, “The Indian Christians of St. Thomas and the Portuguese Padroado: Rape after a century-long courtship (1498-1599)”, Christen und Gewurze, ed. Klaus Koschorke, Goettingen, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1997, pp.31-42.

[12]  J.H. da Cunha Rivara, Goa and the Revolt of 1787, Ed. Charles J.Borges, New Delhi, Concept Publishing Company, 1996.

[13] Casimiro Cristóvão de Nazareth, Clero de Goa: Seus serviços à Religião e à Nação, Nova Goa, Casa Luso-Francesa, 1927, pp.10-14.

[14] Teotonio R. de Souza, “Christianization and cultural conflict in Goa, 16th-19th centuries”, Congresso internacional de história: Missionação portuguesa e encontro de culturas, Actas, Vol.IV,  Braga, 1993, pp. 383-393.

[15] José Augusto Pereira, “Memória Histórica de Açorianos que foram Bispos”,  I  Congresso Açoriano (Lisboa, Grémio dos Açores, 8 a 15 de Maio de 1938) Ponta Delgada, 1995, pp. 275-277; Congresses of Azorean communities were held in 1978, 1986, 1991 and 1995, organized by Gabinete de Emigração e Apoio às Comunidades Açorianas.

[16] Fortunato de Almeida, História da Igreja em Portugal, vol. II, Livraria Civilização Editora, Porto, Lisboa, 1968, p. 702.

[17] Maria de Jesus dos Mártires Lopes, Epistolário de um Açoriano na Índia: D. António Taveira da Neiva Brum da Silveira (1750-1775), Universidade dos Açores, Ponta Delgada, 1983, pp. 18-38; José Augusto Pereira, “Memória Histórica de Açorianos que foram Bispos”, Livro do Primeiro Congresso Açoriano que se reuniu em Lisboa de 8 a 15 de Maio de 1938, Grémio dos Açores, Ponta Delgada, 1995, p. 275.

[18] Maria de Jesus dos Mártires Lopes, op. cit. pp. 18-38.

[19] José Augusto Pereira, “Memória Histórica de Açorianos que foram Bispos”, Livro do I Congresso Açoriano,Lisboa, 8- 15 de Maio de 1938, Grémio dos Açores, Ponta Delgada, 1995, p. 275.

[20] António Ferreira de Serpa, Dom Frei Alexandre da Sagrada Família, Bispo de Malaca e de Angra, eleito do Congo e Angola, Governador deste Bispado, tio e professor Garret – Notas e documentos, Separatas dos n.º 25 a 28 do VII Volume dos Anais das Bibliotecas e Arquivos, Lisboa, Oficinas Gráficas da Biblioteca Nacional, s/d.

[21] Manuel Teixeira, Macau e a sua Diocese – XVII Bispos, Missionários, Igrejas e Escolas no IV Centenário da Diocese de Macau, Tipografia da Missão, Macau, 1976, pp. 86-90.

[22] Luís Salgado de Matos, “Os bispos portugueses: da Concordata ao 25 de Abril – alguns aspectos”, Análise Social,  Lisboa, vol. XXIX, nos. 125-126, p. 350.

[23] Manuel Teixeira, Macau e a sua Diocese – XVII Bispos, Missionários, Igrejas e Escolas no IV Centenário da Diocese de Macau, Tipografia da Missão, Macau, 1976, pp. 86-90

[24] Charles-Martial de Witte, Les lettres papales concernant l’expansion portugaise au XVIe siècle, Immensee, Nouvelle Revue de Science missionaire, 1986.

[25] Manuel Saturnino da Costa Gomes, “Nomeação de Párocos e Bispos – artigos IX, X”, A Concordata de 1940 – Portugal – Santa Sé,  Lisboa, Edições Didaskalia, 1993, pp. 174-185.

[26] Luís Doria, Do Cisma ao Convénio: Estado e Igreja de 1831 a 1848, Lisboa, ICS, 2001.

[27] Eduardo Brazão, Colecção de concordatas estabelecidas entre Portugal e a Santa Sé de 1238 a 1940, Lisboa, LIv. Bertrand, 1941; A. Leite, “Concordatas”, in Dicionário da História Religiosa de Portugal, Vol.I, ed. Carlos Moreira Azevedo, Rio do Mouro, Circulo de Leitores, 2000, pp. 423-429).

[28] João Paulino de Azevedo e Castro, Provisões e Outros Escritos, vol. II, Macau, 1997, p. 749.

[29] Ermelindo Ávila, “Picoenses – Emigrantes no Mundo”, II Congresso de Comunidades Açorianas, (26 - 30 November 1986), Angra do Heroísmo, 1986, pp. 259-260.

[30] Manuel Teixeira, Macau e a sua Diocese – XVII Bispos, Missionários, Igrejas e Escolas no IV Centenário da Diocese de Macau, Macau, Tipografia da Missão, 1976, pp. 80-81.

[31] Ermelindo Ávila, “Picoenses – Emigrantes no Mundo”, II Congresso de Comunidades Açorianas, Açores 26 a 30 de Novembro, Angra do Heroísmo, 1986, p. 260.

[32] José da Costa Nunes, Textos do Cardeal Costa Nunes, vol. IV, Fundação Macau, 1999, pp. 280 – 283.

[33] João Paulino de Azevedo e Castro, Provisões e Outros Escritos, vol. II, Macau, 1997, p. 750-756.

[34] José Augusto Pereira, “Memória Histórica de Açorianos que foram Bispos”, I Congresso Açoriano (Lisboa, 8 -15 May1938) Ponta Delgada, Grémio dos Açores, 1995, pp. 275-277.

[35] José da Costa Nunes, Textos do Cardeal Costa Nunes, vol. IV, Fundação Macau, 1999, pp. 280 – 283.

[36] Textos de D. José Vieira Alvernaz, Patriarca da Índias, 1953-1975, Macau, 1999; Ferreira Moreno, “Bispos Açorianos, Relicário da Saudade”, Jornal Portugal Ilustrado – http://www.webx.ca/portilus/ed_357/cronicas/bispos.htm

[37] Arquiminio Rodrigues da Costa, “A response to «Church and political transition in Goa», Tripod, 1989, Nº. 2, pp. 56-65.

[38] Cardeal Costa Nunes – in Memoriam no Centenario do Nascimento 1880-1980, ed. José Machado Lourenço, Secretriado Braga, nacional do Apostolado da Oração, Editorial A O, 1980, pp.11-12.

[39] O Heraldo, Panjim, 29-30 November , 1-2 December 1977.

[40] The Christian response to the Report is contained in Truth Shall Prevail, ed. A. Soares et al, Bombay, 1957. The following web link may illustrate this point in the words of Mahatma Gandhi on 11 May 1935, as reported in Harijan http://www.vigilonline.com/records/meetings/relart/relconversionpub.htm

[41] New edition was brought out by The Other Press at Kualalumpur in 1993 with a new preface by Claude Alvares and Teotonio R. de Souza.

[42] Manuel Braga da Cruz, O Estado Novo e a Igreja Católica, Lisboa, Ed. Bizâncio, 1998, p.111.

[43] Loc. cit.

[44] D. José da Costa Nunes, Magistério do Patriarca, Macau, Fundação Macau, 1999, pp. 193-194.

[45] Portugal em Africa, X,  Nº 60, Nov-Dez., 1953, pp. 372-375.

[46] J. da Costa Nunes, “Padroado Português no Extremo-Oriente”, Boletim da Agencia Geral das Colónias, Nov. 1929, Nº 53, pp. 40-45.

[47] D. José da Costa Nunes, Cartas aos Sacerdotes da Arquidiocese de Goa, Lisboa, Agência Geral das Colónias, 1947.

[48] Ibid., p.7.

[49] D. José da Costa Nunes, Cartas aos Jovens Goeses, Macau, Fundação Macau, 1999.

[50] Ibid., pp. 26-28.

[51] Ibid., pp. 35-41.

[52] Ibid., pp. 43-53.

[53] Ibid.,pp.  71-74.

[54] Ibid.,pp.  81-85.

[55] Ibid.,pp.  87-91.

[56] Ibid.,pp.  93-94.

[57] Ibid.,pp.  105-109

[58] Ibid.,pp.  112-115

[59] He was recognized as the prime representative of Goa’s freedom struggle and his ashes are preserved in a monument dedicated to those who died for Goa’s freedom struggle in the capital city of Goa.

[60] "Gilberto Freyre in India: Championing Transnational Luso-Tropicalism", Studies in History of the Deccan:Medieval and Modern: Professor A.R.Kulkarni Felicitation Volume, [Eds.] M.A.Nayeem, Anirudha Ray and K.S.Mathew, New Delhi, Pragati Publishers, 2002, pp.253-262.

[61] T.B.Cunha, “Anti-Indian activities of Catholic Missionaries”, in Goa’s Freedom Struggle: Selected Writings of T.B. Cunha, Bombay, Dr. T.B.Cunha Memorial Committee, 1961, pp. 493-497.

[62] Cartas aos Sacerdotes, p. 279-280.

[63] Ibid., pp. 115,143.

[64] Dicionário de História Religiosa de Portugal, IV, ed. Carlos Moreira Azevedo, Lisboa, Circulo de Leitores, 2000, p. 409; António Marujo, “Quando o bispo do Porto se demarcou da oposição”, Público, Lisboa, 22 April 1999; António Teixeira Fernandes, Relações entre a Igreja e o Estado, Porto, 2001, pp. 52 ff.

[65] Manuel Braga da Cruz, op.cit., pp.69-77.

[66] Textos do Cardeal Costa Nunes – Pastorais, Vol. V, Macau, 1999, p. 33.