Can the
subaltern speak?
Subaltern, meaning ‘of inferior rank’, is a term
adopted by Antonio
Gramsci to refer to those groups in society who are subject to the hegemony
of the ruling classes. Subaltern classes may include peasants, workers and
other groups denied access to ‘hegemonic’ power. Since the history of the
ruling classes is realized in the
state, history being the history of
states and dominant groups, Gramsci was interested in the historiography of the
subaltern classes. In ‘Notes on Italian history’ (1934—5) he outlined a six
point plan for studying the history of the subaltern classes which included:
(1) their objective formation (2) their active or passive affiliation to the
dominant political formations (3) the birth of new parties and dominant groups
(4) the formations that the subaltern groups produce to press their claims (5)
new formations within the old framework that assert the autonomy of the
subaltern classes; and (6) other points referring to trade unions and political
parties.
Gramsci claimed that the history of the
subaltern classes was just as complex as the history of the dominant classes,
although the history of the latter is usually that which is accepted as
‘official’ history. For him, the history of subaltern social groups is
necessarily fragmented and episodic, since they are always subject to the
activity of ruling groups, even when they rebel. Clearly they have less access
to the means by which they may control their own representation. and less
access to cultural and social institutions. Only ‘permanent’ victory (that is,
a revolutionary class adjustment) can break that pattern of subordination, and
even that does not occur immediately.
The term has been adapted to post—colonial
studies from the work of the Subaltern Studies group of historians, who aimed
to promote a systematic discussion of subaltern themes in South Asian Studies.
It is used in Subaltern Studies ‘as a name for the general
attribute of subordination in South Asian society whether
this is expressed in terms of class, caste, age, gender and office or in any other way’ (Guha
1982: vii). The group — formed by Ranajit Guha, and
initially including Shahid Amin, David Arnold, Partha Chatterjee, David
Hardiman and Gyan Pandey — has produced five volumes of Subaltern Studies: essays
relating to the history, politics, economics and sociology of subalterneity ‘as well as the attitudes,
ideologies and belief systems — in short, the culture
informing that condition’.
The purpose of the Subaltern Studies project
was to redress the imbalance created in academic work by a tendency to focus on elites
and elite culture in South Asian historiography. Recognizing that subordination cannot be understood except in
a binary relationship with dominance, the group aimed to examine the subaltern
‘as an objective assessment of the role of the elite and as a critique of elitist
interpretations of that role’. The goals of the group stemmed from the belief
that the historiography of Indian nationalism, for instance, had long been
dominated by elitism — colonialist élitism
and bourgeois-nationalist elitism — both consequences of British
colonialism. Such historiography suggested that the development of a
nationalist consciousness was an exclusive elite achievement, either of colonial
administrators, policy or culture, or of elite Indian personalities,
institutions or ideas. Consequently, asserts Guha, such writing cannot acknowledge or interpret the contribution made by
people on their own, that is,
independently of the élite. What is clearly
left out is the class outlook of such historiography is a ‘politics of the people’.
which, he claims, is an autonomous domain that continued to operate when the
elite politics became outmoded.
One clear demonstration of the difference
between the elite and the subaltern lies in the nature of political
mobilization: elite mobilization was achieved vertically through adaptation of
British parliamentary institutions, while the subaltern relied on the traditional organization
of kinship and territoriality or class associations. Popular mobilization in
the colonial period took the form of peasant uprisings and the contention is that this remains a primary
locus of political action, despite the change in political
structure. This is very different from the claims of elite historiography that
Indian nationalism was primarily an idealist venture in which the indigenous
elite led the people from subjugation to freedom.
Despite the great diversity of subaltern
groups, the one invariant feature was a notion of resistance to elite
domination. The failure of the bourgeoisie to speak for the nation meant that
the nation of India failed ‘to come into its own’, and for Guha ‘it is the study
of this failure which constitutes the central problematic of Indian
historiography’. Clearly the concept of the subaltern is meant to cut across several kinds of political and cultural binaries, such as
colonialism vs. nationalism, or imperialism vs. indigenous cultural expression, in favour of a more general
distinction between subaltern and elite, because, suggests Guha,
this subaltern group is invariably overlooked in
studies of political and cultural change.
The
notion of the subaltern became
an issue in post-colonial theory when Gayatri Spivak critiqued the assumptions
of the Subaltern Studies group in the essay ‘Can the subaltern speak?’ This
question. she claims is one that the group must ask. Her first criticism is directed at the Gramscian claim for
the autonomy of the subaltern group,
which, she says, no amount of qualification by Guha — who concedes the
diversity, heterogeneity and overlapping nature of subaltern groups — can save
from its fundamentally essentialist premise. Secondly, no methodology for
determining who or what might constitute this group can avoid this
essentialism. The ‘people’ or the ‘subaltern’ is a group defined by difference
from the elite.
To guard against essentialist views of subalterneity
Guha suggests that there is a further distinction to be made between the
subaltern and dominant indigenous groups at the regional and local levels.
However, Guha’s attempt to guard against essentialism by specifying the range
of subaltern groups serves only, according to Spivak, to problematize the idea
of the subaltern itself still further. The task of research is to investigate,
identify and measure the specific nature
of the degree of deviation of the [dominant indigenous groups at the regional
and local level] from the ideal [the subaltern] and situate it historically’. But, asks Spivak, ‘what
taxonomy can fix such a space?’ For the ‘true’ subaltern group, she says,
whose identity is its difference, there is no unrepresentable subaltern subject
that can know and speak itself.
One cannot
construct a category of the subaltern that has an
effective voice clearly and unproblematically identifiable as such, a voice that
does not at the same time occupy many other possible speaking positions. Spivik
goes on to elaborate the problems of the
category of the subaltern by looking at the situation of gendered subjects and
of Indian women in particular, for ‘both as an object of colonialist historiography and as a subject of insurgency, the
ideological construction of gender keeps the male dominant’. For if ‘in the
context of colonial production, the subaltern has no history and cannot speak,
the subaltern as female is even more deeply in shadow’. Spivak examines the
position of Indian women through an analysis of a particular case, and
concludes with the declaration that ‘the subaltern cannot speak’. This has
sometimes been interpreted to mean that there is no way in which oppressed or
politically marginalized groups can voice their resistance, or that the
subaltern only has a dominant language or a dominant voice in which to be
heard. But Spivak’s target is the concept of an unproblematically constituted
subaltern identity, rather than the subaltern subject’s ability to give voice
to political concerns. Her point is that no act of dissent or resistance occurs
on behalf of an essential subaltern subject entirely separate from the dominant
discourse that provides the language and the conceptual categories with which
the subaltern voice speaks. Clearly, the existence of post-colonial discourse
itself is an example of such speaking, and in most cases the dominant language
or mode of representation is appropriated so that the marginal voice can be
heard.
References:
Gramsci,
Antonio, Escritos Políticos, 4 vols, Lisboa, Seara Nova, 1976-1978.
Guha, R., Subaltern
Studies, 7 vols, Delhi, Oxford University Press, 1982.
Spivak, G., In
Other Worlds: Essays in Cultural Politics, N. Y., Methuen, 1987.